No Attachment Issues Among Single People (Part II): How to Make Even Good Findings Sound Bad

January 9, 2009 in Blogs, Psychology Today by Psychology Today

Or, how to make lemons out of lemonade. In my last post , I described the results of a recently published study showing that long-term single people are not any more likely than coupled people to have issues with attachment . They are not more anxious about rejection or more avoidant of intimacy, and they have no fewer people in their lives who serve as safe havens and sources of support in times of duress. (For more about attachment theory, see this recent post by fellow PT blogger, Jay Belsky.) I also said that the authors seemed to be resisting their own singles-friendly findings throughout their article, and promised to say more about that in this post. I’m using my analysis of this particular article as an example of a bigger point about what is still happening in academic psychology, and of course, well beyond the gates of academe. Even among very smart and accomplished people (and one of the authors of the article is a leading researcher and theorist in the study of adult attachment), unwitting singlism runs rampant. We as a society simply have little practice thinking about single people as anything but flawed. I don’t think that these researchers (or the many others who talk about singles in similar ways) mean to exclude positive perspectives on singles – my guess is that those ways of thinking just don’t occur to them. Think about the examples in this post as practice in decoding the puzzles of singlism. I hope that what you will get out of reading it is not just the aha! experience of seeing a solution but also a broadened way of thinking that carries over to new examples you notice in your own lives. I’m offering my debunking of this article as an emotional and intellectual inoculation. Maybe the next time you are faced with singlism, you can recognize it for what it is – not a true statement of what’s "wrong" with you as a single person, but a reflection of what the practitioners of singlism have not yet figured out. How the Authors Fought Their Own Findings, as Rendered in a Series of Tongue-in-Cheek Paraphrases My Playful Paraphrase #1 . Let’s Start by Stipulating That Single People Can’t Possibly Do Better Than Coupled People When, in the beginning of their article, the authors spell out their expectations for how their results might turn out, they come up with three possible hypotheses: (1) single people are more avoidant in their attachment styles than coupled people are; (2) single people are more anxious in their attachments than coupled people are, maybe because "they have been rejected by relationship partners who would not accept their anxiety, clinginess, and intrusiveness;" and (3) single and coupled people are similar in their attachment experiences. Recognize that it is a step forward for the authors to concede that maybe the singles will not look worse than the coupled people. But also notice what is missing. There is no acknowledgment whatsoever that single people could have more secure attachment styles than coupled people. The results showed that attachment was the same for the singles and the couples; I’m not arguing with that. But when scientists generate hypotheses, they should be open to many possibilities. Maybe, for instance, singles would be more secure because they don’t place all of their relationship eggs into the one soul-mate basket. Maybe their attachments are to friends, and there are fewer anxiety-creating jealousies in friendships. I’m not saying that’s so – I’m saying that scientists are supposed to have open minds and at least consider the possibilities. Also notice the implication that only single people, and not anyone currently coupled, could have had the experience of having been "rejected by relationship partners who would not accept their anxiety, clinginess, and intrusiveness." Because, you know, only single people are ever clingy. My Playful Paraphrase #2 . Let’s Treat Singlehood as a Disease The authors’ main question was whether single and coupled people differed in their attachment styles. But that was just part of their framework. They had a whole childhood-to-singlehood model worked out. First, they thought the single people would describe more screwed-up childhood relationships with their parents. Single people’s messed-up childhoods would then result in insecure attachments (or maybe no adult attachment figures at all). Those insecure or missing attachments would then result in a life of long-term singlehood. This strikes me as a disease model of singlehood. The authors are trying to explain singlehood in terms of what got screwed up in single people’s lives. Of course, that falls apart when the key link just isn’t there – singles do not have attachment issues. My Playful Paraphrase #3 . Here Are Some Other Things Wrong with Single People. Let’s Take Them Seriously Even Though They Do Not Explain What They Were Supposed to – and, Oh, Let’s Ignore Other Studies with Different Findings Because the authors expected single people to have screwed-up childhoods, they asked their participants about their childhoods. They also looked at other bad things that might be ascribed to single people, such as loneliness, depression, general anxiety (different from attachment anxiety), and sexual dissatisfaction. In the abstract (summary) of their article, they claim to have found that, sure enough, all of these things are more of a problem for single people than for coupled people. I have two responses to this. (A) Really? Are you sure about that? And (B), Okay, so suppose you are right that singles are screwed up in all these ways. Then how come they are just fine when it comes to attachment? (A) All those bad things about single people: Are they really true? Let’s start with the "troubled childhood" hypothesis. The authors included 9 measures of the participants’ retrospective reports of their relationships with their mothers and fathers. (Actually, there were 11, but they only report the results of 9 of them.) On 7 of the 9 measures, the single and coupled participants score about the same. On the other two, the single people report more negative experiences. I could say about this finding – as well as the main finding of no differences between singles and couples in attachment issues – that the sample was unrepresentative (the singles were recruited by newspaper ads and the couples were recommended by the singles) and so we need to be cautious. That’s true, and maybe future studies will show that singles have less troubled childhoods than coupled people do (or even more troubled ones) or that singles really do have attachment issues. I’m giving the authors a pass on that problem because (so far as I know) this is the first study of childhood experiences of single and coupled people, so even a flawed study adds something important to our knowledge base. Plus, it is quite a challenge to try to get a large representative sample of single and coupled people, or to study people over time as they become coupled. (The report of another study showing no differences in attachment between single and married people, mentioned in my previous post, adds a bit more credence to the attachment results of this study, but we still need to learn more.) With regard to loneliness or depression or sexual satisfaction, though, the state of the literature is entirely different. For example, the authors noted that the singles in their convenience sample reported greater depression than the coupled people, but they do not mention these results from a longitudinal study out of Stanford: " Depression during adolescence was found to predict higher rates of marriage among younger women and subsequent marital dissatisfaction. " The authors reported that the singles in their convenience sample reporter less sexual satisfaction than the coupled people. But they did not mention the results of a nationally representative sample, in which the findings were not at all as straightforward as "married = sexually satisfied; single = sexually dissatisfied." (See Chapter 2 of Singled Out for an account of what the findings really did show.) After reading in the abstract that the singles were lonelier than the coupled people, I was surprised to find in the results section that on the standardized measure of loneliness, the UCLA Loneliness Scale, there was actually no significant difference between the singles and the couples. What’s that about? In the face-to-face interviews, single people said the word "lonely" more often than coupled people did. I think that’s why the authors declared them lonelier, even though the standardized instrument demurred. I wonder whether the authors are familiar with studies showing extraordinarily low levels of loneliness among lifelong single women, at a time when they are expected to be most lonely – in later life (also described in Singled Out ). They don’t mention those studies. (B) Suppose singles really are screwed up in all those ways. Then why are they doing just fine when it comes to attachment? The main point of the study was to examine differences in attachment between single and coupled people. There were none. The other variables were supposed to help explain the process. The authors did find, for example, that people who were more depressed (whether single or coupled) were more anxious about attachments. They also found that in their convenience sample, the singles were more depressed than the coupled people. So doesn’t that raise another question: So why didn’t the single people have more attachment issues than the coupled people? Here’s one possibility: Maybe in their quest to document a sequence of sad and bad life experiences resulting in a long-term single status, the authors neglected to consider or measure what might be good and meaningful and rewarding in the lives of people who are single. What are their passions? What do they care about? If you only look for bad things, that’s all you are going to find. Here’s another possibility: The authors seemed to assume that the couples would do better on attachment because they were coupled and the singles were not. But maybe this "sugar and spice and everything nice" view of couples and their attachment styles was overly optimistic. Why not hypothesize that some coupled people cling to their partners because they are insecure, and that some single people are secure enough not to cave to the pressure to couple when they are perfectly happy with their single lives? I’m just asking. I need to add a clarification here. I’m not saying that there are no single people who had screwed up childhoods and who therefore became insecure about attachments and therefore stayed single. There are about 93 million single people in the United States alone. Whatever your stereotypes about single people, there are going to be some out of the 93 million who fit them. What I am saying is that just because you know a screwed up single person, or just because you are a scholar who can come up with a reason to predict that singles might be screwed up, does not mean that, as a general rule, single people really are screwed up. My Playful Paraphrase #4 . Sure, Our Study Says Nothing about Causality, But That’s Just an Aside When studies show that currently married people are less lonely or depressed or happier than currently single people, readers and journalists (and sometimes the researchers themselves) sometimes jump to the conclusion that the married people look better because they are married, and that if the single people would marry, then they would live happily ever after, too. As I’ve explained in previous posts (and in Chapter 2 of Singled Out ), that’s totally bogus. People who got married, hated it, and then divorced, are not included in the currently married group. You can’t say that getting married makes people less lonely or depressed (or anything else) if you don’t count all the people who got married and did not get any less lonely or depressed. That’s just cheating. The attachment hypothesis in the study I’ve been describing is different. There, attachment (and childhood experiences) are used to explain how people end up single. The ideal study, methodologically, is one that cannot be conducted: Randomly assign newborns to good or bad childhood experiences, then see if that predicts who ends up single or coupled. Short of that, longitudinal research (following lives over time) is the next best thing. The authors acknowledge the causality issue in the last point of the last section of their paper, almost as an aside. But it is not an aside. It is critical. (I would say this even if all of the results had favored the single people; science first.) My Playful Paraphrase #5 . How’s This Suggestion for Future Research: Find Something Bad about Single People Journal articles in psychology almost always include suggestions for further research. Think about this paragraph from the authors: " Future studies should more directly examine the determinants of long-term singlehood because adult attachment measures did not indicate that a particular form of insecurity is largely responsible (although this may be due to the reluctance of extremely avoidant people to get involved in our study, which required self-selection rather than random sampling among all adults). The hints in the data that single people experienced more troubled childhood relationships with parents compared to coupled people suggest that some aspect of relationships with parents might be partially responsible for long-term singlehood in later life. " They then go on to add that insights from future research " should prove useful for clinical work with single adults and for those adults’ own self-understanding. " The authors wanted to know what was responsible for long-term singlehood. They guessed it was insecurity. It wasn’t. Now what? Now they try to salvage their insecurity hypothesis by suggesting that maybe the really screwed up single people did not sign up for their study. If they had, then single people would in fact have had insecure attachments, just like they expected. It is fine for the authors to offer such a speculation, except for one thing: They do not apply the same standards to the coupled people. Apparently, it never occurred to them that maybe the really screwed up coupled people did not sign up for their study. This is not an even-handed inquiry. It is a "let’s see if we can find something wrong with single people" study. (And still, singles’ attachment looks just fine.) Next, the authors move on to the "troubled childhood" hypothesis. See the previous sections for my comments on that. My Playful Paraphrase #6 . Note to Single People – Get Help! About those insights needed for "clinical work with single adults": I don’t think anyone should be reluctant to get into therapy. Still, in a study in which single and coupled people were statistically indistinguishable in their attachments, why are the authors talking only about help for single people and not couples? My Playful Paraphrase #7 . Bella’s Book on Singles is Just a Bunch of Smiley-Faced Opinions I admit my bias about this point. (I couldn’t hide it if I wanted to.) I don’t like the way the authors refer to my book, Singled Out . When they find something supposedly negative about single people, they say that their finding is "contrary to the tone" of my book. They refer to my "suggestions," but nowhere do they indicate that my book is based on data. I realize that many of the readers of this "Living Single" blog have read Singled Out, so you know what I’m saying. For others: Especially in chapter 2 (but also elsewhere), I describe studies of the implications of marital status, and explain in some detail what can and cannot be concluded from them. (The authors also belittle the importance of the prejudice and discrimination faced by single people – a topic I’ve addressed in other posts here .) My Playful Paraphrase #8 . We Found that Singles Have Attachments; Now Let’s Pretend They Don’t Here are two sentences from the article. See if you can pick out the one word that suggests that the authors are fighting their own findings. (This may be too easy for "Living Single" readers but none of the authors or reviewers caught it.) " as people pass through adolescence and enter early adulthood, many transfer their primary sense of attachment from parents to romantic or marital partners. But not everyone does this (and many who do later find themselves alone after a romantic relationship breakup, a divorce, or the loss of a partner to death). " The word, of course, is "alone." The authors have shown in their very own study that single people are not alone. They are securely attached to friends, siblings, and others. But in the matrimaniacal world of contemporary relationship research, anyone who does not have a romantic partner is, by definition, alone. Final Word The authors expected to find something damning about long-term single people – that they have issues with attachment. Instead, they found no differences at all between the attachment styles of single and coupled people. Still, they never seriously entertained the possibility that their original model was wrong, and that perhaps for many people, living single is a meaningful, productive, healthy experience, filled with secure attachments to the important people in their lives. It is not just the three authors of the article in question who seemed smitten by singlism and matrimania. Papers in peer-reviewed journals undergo rigorous assessment, typically by the journal editor and two or more additional scholars. The disease model of singlehood made it through all of those layers of scrutiny. © 2009 Psychology Today. This RSS Feed is for personal non-commercial use only. If you are not reading this material in your news aggregator, the site you are looking at is guilty of copyright infringement. Please contact blogs@psychologytoday.com so we can take legal action immediately.

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No Attachment Issues Among Single People (Part II): How to Make Even Good Findings Sound Bad

Top 10 Ways to Banish Depression Now

January 9, 2009 in Blogs, Psychology Today by Psychology Today

Depression stinks. No doubt about it. Having treated dozens of individuals with depression over the years, while reading countless books on the treatment, I still believe that the number one factor that really enables me to get to the heart of this malady is my firsthand experience with it. Depression started tugging at my heels by the time I was 8 years old. By 16, the dean of my high school would call me each morning to make sure I got out of bed and showed up at school, instead of sleeping all day. By 30, I had two boyfriends; Ben and Jerry. Today, I still have low moments, but they are far less often, and last far less long. Imagine if we had a scribe in our heads, even for a day. I know I would be ashamed to think of what mine might write. Having done a great deal of research on depression, I have heard many expert opinions regarding its etymology. We are still unsure if is is environmental, historical, genetic, energetic, past-life, DNA-related, trauma-based, kharmic law. One thing is for sure; when we got it, we got it, and it can be crippling. What folks may not know is that there are very useful tricks we can use to alleviate a sour mood. The brain is plastic. It is the last part of our body to really know something. When we tell our brain that life is awful and we are doomed, our brain tends to agree. In fact, I have noticed that when I experience a bout of depression, it is often triggered by events where I feel exposed as a failure. My way out usually begins with a decision. A decision to feel better. So, I decided to compile this list. Write these down, stick em on your wall, and put them in motion. Trick 1: Get out of your head and into your feet The body craves movement. Exercise really works. Let’s not think of it as exercise though. Nothing is gnarlier to the depressed person than imagining him/herself at the gym in ill fitting sweats, panting on the stair master while svelte athletes are bopping around in all directions. As Woody Allen says, 90% of success is showing up. Once we’ve got our walking shoes on, once we get endorphins cooking, the doldrums have less power to penetrate. Christine Caldwell, Body-Centered Psychotherapist and author of "Getting our Bodies Back" tells us: Our bodies love to move and must move. Movement is the way we define life–when our hear beats, lungs pulse, brain waves, we are alive; in the absence of movement we become inanimate or dead. When movement is held back, energy/life flow is impeded and we become sick. Trick 2: Turn on the music Keep an arsenal of inspiring and fun music. When we’re depressed, the smallest task feels overwhelming. If I can kick-start someone’s joy, then I am thrilled. Turn on the sound. Trick 3: Sit in the sun Many of us work in windowless cubicles or offices, and wonder why we feel blue. This time of year, when the sun sets earlier, we lose vitamin D. Do anything you can to take in more light. Sit in the sun for 5 minutes. And if there is no sun in your world, then buy a full-spectrum light. Get one cheap on E-bay. Trick 4: Hang out with 4-leggeds (Unless you’re allergic) Having an animal companion near can instantly release oxytocin, that delicious hormone that we secrete when we fall in love, give birth, or are nursing. It releases a feeling of goodwill, or trust in the world. OK, so not all of all are blessed to be in love all the time, or be breast feeding, so find other ways to bring on the joy chemical. Read on. Trick 5: Change your thoughts We have around 60,000.00 thoughts per day. Some 87% of them are negative and are the same thoughts we had yesterday. Experiencing joy is a deliberate choice. Joy takes practice. Joy is hardcore. In Natural Intelligence, Psychotherapist Susan Aposhyan states; "On a muscular level, any thought also results in at least minute muscular responses, evidencing the body’s compulsion to somehow do the thought. Having an affirmation, allows the mind to want to do the thing that we are hoping for. We must remember that affirmations don’t make something happen, they make something welcome. People tell me, "I put an affirmation up on my bedroom wall, saying: "I am ready to meet a gorgeous, successful, fabulous man who will adore and worship me." It’s been 3 months. Where is he?" I tell them; "You have made yourself more open to meeting this human. Finding him is another story. Sorry." Trick 6: Follow a joyous lifestyle. Find a class, a workout, anything that gets you in your body, preferably sweating a bit. Just getting out of the house and being with other people, say, in a yoga class, or dance class, or knitting group, offers us a distraction from the mind chatter. It works. Trick 7: Affirm joy with words Rudyard Kipling said "I am by calling a dealer in words. And words are by far the most powerful drug in the world". It may seem trite, but changing the way we speak can be extremely influential in changing our moods. Trick 8: Grab hold of a goal Make it a do-able one. Psychologist Martin Selegman tells us: Happiness and joy come from goals. We mustn’t put off our lives. Trick 9: A smidgen of faith Christiane Northrup, bestselling author of Womens’ Bodies, Womens Wisdom, and expert on mood disorders, shared this pearl of wisdom in a talk that she gave last summer at the Omega Institute. She says; "We are whom our higher self wanted to experience." There is some truth to the pithy phrase: There’s no aetheists in foxholes. Have a smidgen of faith and the world can be a gentler space. Trick 10: Choose joyous companions When we are depressed, we take our bored, sluggish selves wherever we go. We need distractions. We need company. We need intimacy. It is very important to be around upbeat people. We need someone who believes in us. No nay-sayers welcome. *Guest blogger Rachel Fleischman, MSW, LCSW, is a San Francisco-based therapist. Her profile can be found on Psychology Today’s therapy directory . © 2009 Psychology Today. This RSS Feed is for personal non-commercial use only. If you are not reading this material in your news aggregator, the site you are looking at is guilty of copyright infringement. Please contact blogs@psychologytoday.com so we can take legal action immediately.

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Top 10 Ways to Banish Depression Now

Who Says Golf Is Not A Sport

January 9, 2009 in Blogs, Psychology Today by Psychology Today

Golfers love to talk about their game as a sport. Tiger Woods, after all, weight trains like a fiend. But the critics will not be moved. It’s a pastime says, well, almost anybody with a pair of eyes and a brain. Turns out the eyes may not be telling us the full story. Neil Wolkodoff, director of the Rose Center for Health and Sport Sciences in Denver, decided to put things to the test. He wired eight golfers up with sensors and tracked oxygen consumption, heart rate, carbon dioxide production and measured the distances they traveled on their rounds. Afterwards, Wolkodoff told AP that: "The study shows there’s a significant energy expenditure in golf, more than bowling and other sports it’s been compared to." Really? I mean, really, bowling’s a sport? He found subjects carrying their clubs burn 721 calories a round and folks who walk with a caddie burn 718-though, honestly, there’s got to be something faulty in that data since clubs weigh around 40 lbs. and carrying 40 lbs for 18 holes has to be worth more than 3 calories. That said, even though it’s not the 750 calories an hour that running burns, Golf beats, well, fishing (302 calories). Like Wolkodoff says, "as far as physical exertion goes, it’s not the same as boxing, but it’s definitely more than people thought. About this he’s right. It’s certainly not boxing.   © 2009 Psychology Today. This RSS Feed is for personal non-commercial use only. If you are not reading this material in your news aggregator, the site you are looking at is guilty of copyright infringement. Please contact blogs@psychologytoday.com so we can take legal action immediately.

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Who Says Golf Is Not A Sport

Natural Teachers are the Future

January 8, 2009 in Blogs, Psychology Today by Psychology Today

E nvironmental educators and others have worked for decades to reintroduce children to nature. But in recent years, too many school districts have turned inward, building windowless schools, banishing live animals from classrooms, and even dropping recess and field trips. But we are beginning to see progress. There have been a number of recent successes in the United States and elsewhere that may point to a cultural shift, reflecting a rapidly expanding grassroots children and nature movement – which has changed the tone of the public conversation. The nonprofit  Children & Nature Network , for which I now serve as chairman, has tracked and encouraged more than fifty regional campaigns that are helping reintroduce children to nature. These campaigns, often focused on children’s health, will offer added power to a nascent, overdue movement for what might be called natural school reform. Bucking the status quo, an increasing number of educators are committed to an approach that infuses education with direct experience, especially in nature – one that redefines the classroom. On September 18, the U.S. House of Representatives took a step in that direction, by voting to approve the No Child Left Inside Act of 2008. Approved by a bi-partisan vote of 293 to 109, the bill would require K-12 school systems to build environmental literacy, strengthen teacher training and provide federal grants to help schools pay for outdoor education. In coming months and years (whether or not the Senate version of the bill is approved) educators will be encouraged to return nature to the classroom – but the key to success will be if sufficient support comes to educators who take students beyond the classroom, into the rich environments of nearby nature: parks, farms, the woods and creeks and canyons adjacent to schools. This approach to education is not new, and the definitions and nomenclature of this educational movement are tricky. In recent decades, the approach has gone by many names: community-oriented schooling, bioregional education, experiential education and, most recently, place-based or environment-based education. The basic idea is to use the surrounding community, including nature, as the preferred classroom. When it comes to reading skills, “the Holy Grail of education reform,” says researcher and educator David Sobel, place-based or environment-based education should be considered “one of the knights in shining armor.” Students in these programs typically outperform their peers in traditional classrooms. Sponsored by many state departments of education, a 1998 study documented the enhanced school achievement of youth who experience school curricula in which the environment is the principal organizer. More recently, factoring out other variables, studies of students in California and nationwide showed that schools that used outdoor classrooms and other forms of nature-based experiential education were associated with significant student gains in social studies, science, language arts, and math. One recent study found that students in outdoor science programs improved their science testing scores by 27 percent. A nature-balanced life reduces many barriers to education, including stress and attention deficit. Researchers at the University of Illinois have shown that the greener a child’s everyday environment, the more manageable their symptoms of attention-deficit disorder. Teachers could also benefit from natural education reform. Canadian researchers found that teachers expressed renewed enthusiasm for teaching when they had time outdoors. In an era of increased teacher burnout, the impact of green schools and outdoor education on teachers should not be underestimated. One exciting development is the increasing popularity of nature preschools, where children learn to track wildlife even as they learn to read. Design approaches are central to the movement. “Natural spaces and materials stimulate children’s limitless imaginations and serve as the medium of inventiveness and creativity,” says Robin Moore, an international authority on natural school design, who heads the Natural Learning Initiative. New schools must be designed with nature in mind, and old schools can be refitted with playscapes that incorporate nature into the central design principle. Another approach is the use of nature preserves by environment-based schools, or the inclusion of established farms and ranches as part of these “new schoolyards.” Norway’s departments of Education and Agriculture support partnerships between educators and farmers to revamp school curriculum and to provide more direct outdoor experience and participation in practical tasks. Ultimately, K-12 education cannot be transformed without reforming higher education – which sets many of the standards and expectations for primary and secondary education. In higher education, greater public knowledge about the generational nature gap should educate policy-makers to require universities to teach the fundamentals of natural history, which have been displaced in recent decades, especially at research universities, by a patent-or-perish emphasis on microbiology and genetic engineering. Higher education can also more consciously engage students as researchers on topics involving the relationship between children and nature, and the opportunities that will emerge as nature takes a more central role in people’s lives. In coming decades, environmental challenges will require fundamental changes in our lives and institutions, including the reintroduction of nature to the classroom and the young to the natural world. ______________ This article was first published in  Green Money Journal , reprinted here with permission.   Richard Louv  is chairman of the  Children & Nature Network  and the author of seven books, including his most recent,  “Last Child in the Woods: Saving Our Children From Nature-Deficit Disorder” (Algonquin). He is the recipient of the 2008 Audubon Medal, and has served as an adviser to the Ford Foundation’s Leadership for a Changing World award program, is a member of the Citistates Group, appears often on national radio and television programs, and speaks frequently in the United States and overseas. Useful links for this article include: o  The Children & Nature Network o  Related research and studies o  Toronto Star report on homework loads and play o  New York Times article: Why are Schools Designed Like Prisons?  o  Finland education system o  Track No Child Left Inside Act o  Natural Learning Initiative © 2009 Psychology Today. This RSS Feed is for personal non-commercial use only. If you are not reading this material in your news aggregator, the site you are looking at is guilty of copyright infringement. Please contact blogs@psychologytoday.com so we can take legal action immediately.

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Natural Teachers are the Future

Fine and gross emotor skills: Better head-to-heart coordination

November 25, 2008 in Blogs, Psychology Today by Psychology Today

Have you ever noticed the way quick reflexes depend on a combination of gross and fine motor skills? A toddler is about to knock over a vase. Your gross motor skills send you lurching across the room. By the time you reach the vase your fine motor skills are engaged. Your hand is precisely where it needs to be to stop the vase from crashing to the ground. If your fine motor skills hadn’t kicked in, your gross motor skills would have sent you flying right into the vase or worse, the toddler. There’s a parallel in emotional life worth noting and promoting. Emotions are skills, too, and in a way they also come in gross and fine varieties. Gross emotor skills provide the power surges that rivet our attention on some big problem. But to address the problem, fine emotor skills are better. Gross emotor skills focus us on what to fix. Fine emotor skills guide us on how to fix it. Using gross emotor skills to try to fix things often sends us crashing through to the wrong solutions. Emotions motivate our attention and problem solving abilities. They are our primary source of "the wisdom to know the difference between what we can and can’t change." Positive emotions tell us, "this is working don’t change it." Negative emotions tell us, "this isn’t working, try to fix it." Once we fix it, our emotions signal satisfaction and we respond by turning our attention to other matters. In general, the stronger the negative emotions, the more motivated we are to fix something. When we’re strongly dissatisfied, the desire for satisfaction becomes urgent. But that urgency can actually keep us from the fine-tuned work necessary to find the right way to fix things. Gross emotions can over-motivate. Imagine the over-motivation this way: You’re playing tennis and fail to return the ball because you’re too far over in left-court. It makes you as angry as John McEnroe. You vow never to be fooled again, and gritting your teeth, you position yourself way over in right-court, where you miss another ball, this time because you were too far over in right-court. That makes you more furious. And you go stand way over in left-court again. The solution to these tennis woes is to do that deft little dance in center court. Waiting eagerly but not too eagerly. It’s fine to start out grossly motivated, but once motivated, the followthrough calls for fine emotor skills. Within the past decade there have been three movements within psychology arguing that emotions are good guides. The emotional intelligence movement argues that emotions are at least as important as IQ in determining how well we do in life. Neurobiologist Antonio Demasio’s best seller ‘Descarte’s Error,’ and the movement it spawned argued that emotions are the very currency of rationality. Malcolm Gladwell’s new book, ‘Blink: The power of thinking without thinking,’ argues that our gut (emotional) responses are more accurate than we tend to realize. These various celebrations of our emotions are one side of a perennial debate. The other side is represented by "get over it," psychological movements. Cognitive therapy, for example emphasizes mind over matter solutions. Patients are taught that the best way to overcome distracting emotions is to "think new thoughts." Dr. Laura, the AM Radio geophysicist-turned-therapist instructs her listeners to stop whining, and live by a moral code. Both sides of the debate are half-right and the distinction between gross and fine emotor skills suggests an appropriate synthesis between the two schools of thought – one that doesn’t occur to either side of the debate when it becomes too emotional. Emotions serve and get in the way. Specifically, emotions answer the question, "should I attend to and fix this?" Sometimes emotions answer Yes when the right answer is No. And sometimes they answer No when the right answer is Yes. The margin of error in our emotional system’s answer to that question is the source of much of the pain and cruel insensitivity in the world. The pain we experience when dealing with an incurable backache is a false alarm that the body can’t shut off – a wrong Yes answer to the question, "should I try to fix this?’"Conversely, cruel insensitivity is the same alarm failing to go off when it should, where we don’t attend to the hurt we are causing others, when we could fix it if we tried. Since our attention is finite, concentrating our attention on one thing means not concentrating on others. Emotion therefore induces a kind of tunnel vision. The stronger the emotion, the narrower the focus. One manifestation of this is the passionate advocate who has discovered a wrong in the world and concentrates on it to the exclusion of all other wrongs. Activists who are especially passionate (and naive) often assume that their focus on a particular wrong makes them authorities on the world’s woes even as their passion causes them to ignore mountains of them. In their company we may feel torn, on the one hand admiring their focus and "fix it" attitude, and on the other hand, frustrated at the by their lack of perspective. Without gross emotor skills we may not be sufficiently motivated to fix things. But without fine emotor skills we may not be able to do the delicate work necessary to fix things correctly. We need both gross and fine emotor skills, and we need them well coordinated. © 2008 Psychology Today. This RSS Feed is for personal non-commercial use only. If you are not reading this material in your news aggregator, the site you are looking at is guilty of copyright infringement. Please contact blogs@psychologytoday.com so we can take legal action immediately.

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Fine and gross emotor skills: Better head-to-heart coordination

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Cannabis. A Potted History

November 24, 2008 in Blogs, Psychology Today by Psychology Today

"….because I can’t forget no matter how hard I try………." Corporal Cloy Richards , PTSD sufferer. Cannabis has often been proposed to treat posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and rates of marijuana use are significantly higher in PTSD sufferers. However like all medical marijuana issues it’s controversial and complicated. I will try and explain some of the science behind the issue. The basic rationale is this; a defining feature of PTSD is that sufferers cannot "forget" a traumatic event such as combat or rape. It is well established that cannabis use impairs certain types of memory and may help sufferers "forget". Additionally cannabis often reduces anxiety and promotes sleep, both of which are beneficial for PTSD where elevated general anxiety and sleep disturbances are very common. Cannabis acts upon receptors in the brain called, appropriately enough, cannabinoid receptors. The first and best described of these is called CB1, or cannabinoid receptor-1. CB1 is found throughout the brain. These receptors don’t exist to get people high! What this means is that there are substances produced naturally by the brain, called endocannabinoids, that act at cannabinoid receptors. The best described endocannabinoids are called anandamide and 2-arachidonyl glycerol (2-AG). These endocannabinoids are flighty molecules, they are rapidly synthesized only when required and don’t stick around for long, being swiftly broken down by an enzyme by the name of "fatty acid aminohydrolase", less tongue-twistingly known as FAAH. Endocannabinoids are involved in many biological processes including appetite regulation, pain, anxiety, mood, nausea and blood pressure. All of which are also affected by marijuana. One of the most interesting things these endocannabinoids appear to do, according to research in rats and mice, is stimulate the ability to forget about bad things. The basic research paradigm used is called "fear conditioning" and works on the same principle as Pavlov’s dogs; rodents are played a sound, usually a beep, just before a very slight electric shock. This shock, much like a threat in the wild, causes the animals to freeze in their tracks. Although the shock is mild and brief, the animals obviously don’t like it and learn very quickly that the beep means a shock is coming. After a short time, just the beep (without the shock) causes the animals to freeze and, crucially, causes the production of endocannabinoids in the brain . The relevance of this model to the human condition is obvious. PTSD symptoms are often triggered by exposure to something in the environment that reminds the sufferer of trauma. After a while, rodents, like most people, will learn that the beep no longer means that a shock is coming and will no longer freeze when the beep is played. If animals are treated with a drug that blocks CB1 receptors then they show a profound inability to forget. The same result is found in mice genetically engineered to not have CB1, playing the beep causes them to freeze long after normal animals have learned to forget. Again, the relevance to PTSD is obvious; only some people who experience an extreme trauma will develop PTSD. Could genetic differences in their endocannabinoid system help explain why this is? Perhaps most interestingly, animals given an extra booster of endocannabinoids find it easier to forget. Drugs which inhibit the breakdown of endocannabinoids by blocking FAAH have the same effect , suggesting that medications which stimulate the endocannabinoid system may be beneficial in the treatment of PTSD. Exposure therapy is a commonly used treatment for PTSD; patients are repeatedly re-exposed to those triggers which precipitate their symptoms, much like the rodents and the beep. This tactic is completely at odds with the intuitive response of PTSD sufferers, who will actively avoid these triggers. As I mentioned above, basic research findings indicate that exposure to these triggers causes the brain to produce it’s own cannabinoids, which then help the brain to forget. Perhaps the brains of PTSD sufferers have impaired cannabinoid synthesis, or maybe they break it down more quickly. Thus maybe cannabis treatment would be the most effective when given during exposure therapy? That’s the basic science. Sounds simple right? In fact it should be a no-brainer that cannabis use will be beneficial for PTSD sufferers? Well, as so often occurs in science, it’s not that simple. A major problem is that the cannabinoid system is found in almost all part of the brain and as such is involved in many different biological processes. A sobering example of this is the weight loss drug Acomplia TM from Sanofi-Aventis. The rationale behind this drug is reasonable enough; smoking pot gives people "the munchies", suggesting endocannabinoids promote eating. Blocking the CB1 receptor (with Acomplia TM ) should therefore reduce food intake. Sure enough, it does. But it also makes people depressed and has other psychiatric side effects. These side effects are so severe that Acomplia TM has been withdrawn. Cannabis also has a lot of potential side effects, many of them undesirable; apathy, psychosis, respiratory problems associated with smoking, prenatal toxicity, addiction (although this is controversial). One of the most troubling side effects of cannabis is that high doses can, in some people, trigger bouts of extreme anxiety. Not something any PTSD sufferer would want. Another problem is that THC, the major active ingredient of cannabis, is not the same as the endocannabinoids found normally in the brain (otherwise we’d all be high all the time). It’s not entirely clear that THC has the same "memory-erasing" effects as the brains natural endocannabinoids. In fact some researchers even think that treatment with pure THC may have the opposite effects, delaying an animal’s ability to forget . Nevertheless, a holy grail of "medical marijuana" programs for cancer and pain is the design of drugs which have the beneficial effects of marijuana without these undesirable side effects. Drug design programs based upon this reasoning may themselves eventually have a very beneficial side effect; drugs which can help PTSD patients forget.   © 2008 Psychology Today. This RSS Feed is for personal non-commercial use only. If you are not reading this material in your news aggregator, the site you are looking at is guilty of copyright infringement. Please contact blogs@psychologytoday.com so we can take legal action immediately.

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Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Cannabis. A Potted History

How will recession affect twixters?

November 4, 2008 in Blogs, Psychology Today by Psychology Today

At the turn of this century I studied the transition from adolescence into adulthood. I noticed the discrepancy between the common saying that kids grow up so quickly these days and the delay in young people becoming what we think of a "adult." I called this new phase of life, between the ages of twenty and twenty-five, the "threshold" phase, since young people were at the doorway to adulthood, but were not passing through. Instead, they were stuck on the threshold, still depend on parents, still undecided about a career, and still feeling a little too young to be married. Unlike many people, I do not see this "immaturity" in a bad light. I think our complex society demands a longer apprenticeship. Employers have higher expectations of education and training qualifications, and young people have to work longer to meet these expectations. Few young people can afford to set up independent households in their early twenties. But it isn’t only, or even primarily, financial support from families on which thresholders may depend. Young people who have emotional and practical support from their families make a more positive transition to adulthood than young people whose parents do not help. Sometimes parents believe that they will undermine a son or daughter by continuing to offer support when they become, according to a legal definition, an adult. This is unfortunate, because continued help and support and advice and companionship allows young people to explore various possibilities, to develop the skills that will serve them well throughout adulthood, and to feel supported in a society in which formal and informal networks are in other ways diminishing. But how will a recession affect thresholders? Financially speaking, parents may be in a much less good position to offer financial help. Some parents took out loans on their own homes to help provide funds for a son’s or daughter’s home. This practice has virtually come to a stop. Nor can parents as easily offer financial support for further training and education, and the burden of taking out loans is increasing. And, with the job market shrinking, thresholders have less choice, and those short term contracts and trial employments will have a more uncomfortable ending. So it is important to focus on how much support parents can offer even when they cannot provide financial support. Just "being there" has been found to be important. Perhaps more young people who continue to live in a parent’s home, or return to a parent’s home (some parents refer to these years not as an empty nest, but as a revolving door, as young adult children leave, only to return), will be appreciated as contributors to family income. The rent they pay to parents, which might have once been nominal, may now become a significant means of support, and this will help them feel effective, rather than diminished in their dependence. In addition, those thresholders who take longer to find their feet may no longer be so daunted by comparisons with peers: there will be fewer hot shot high earners; any, anyway, the value attached to material possessions is on the wane. And then, the depressed housing market may in time become an opportunity for young people hoping to have a home of their own. But a great concern is for the impact increased debts – of both parents and their young adult sons and daughteron – may have on psychological wellbeing. A report just published in the UK by a government think tank on Mental Capital and Wellbeing highlights a strong link between debt and mental illness. In the general population in Britain, about 16% suffer some mental illness, but among those who have significant financial debt, about 50% suffer from mental health problems. So we have to consider how, for both thresholders and parents, risk can be reduced even in the current financial context. Fortunately, this same report proposes that interpersonal connections, offering mutual support, and continued learning from one another can help maintain mental wellbeing. The long-term dependence on parents that helps thresholders might also in this economic climate benefit their parents.

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How will recession affect twixters?

Why Are People Against the Bailout?

October 3, 2008 in Blogs by Psychology Today

I would like to propose that one reason people oppose the government bailout is because they want revenge on the companies that helped lead us into this disaster. Even though they know they will lose money and it doesn’t help them at all, at a very basic level a part of them want to see the companies suffer. Consider a study conducted by group of Swiss researchers led by Ernst Fehr (and by the way don’t you think it’s ironic that the Swiss are the ones doing research on revenge?) who examined revenge using a game we call The Trust Game. Here is how it is set-up: You are paired up with an anonymous participant. You are kept in separate rooms and you will never know each other’s identity. The experimenter gives each of you $10. You get to make the first move. You must decide whether to send your money over to your partner, or to keep it. If you keep it, both of you get your $10 and the game is over. However, if you send him the money, the experimenters quadruple the amount and add it to the $10 so that the other player has his original $10 plus $40 (10 multiplied by four). The other player then decides whether to keep all the money, which means that they would get $50 and you would get nothing or they could send half of it back to you, which means you would have $25 each. This is the basic trust game and the question, of course, is whether you and people like you will trust the other person and send them the money- potentially sacrificing your financial well being-and whether the other person will justify the trust and share their earnings with you. But the Swiss version of this game did not end there. If you sent your money to the other player and if he or she did not send the money back, you would now have the opportunity to punish the bastard. You could spend money to make them suffer. In fact, for each dollar that you spend, they would lose $2. What do you think, if you were playing the game and the other person betrayed your trust, would you choose this costly revenge? Would you sacrifice your own money to cause them to suffer? The experiment showed that many people punished and they punished severely, yet this was not the most interesting part of the study. What I didn’t tell you was that while the participants were making their decisions, their brains were being scanned by Positron Emission Tomography (PET). So the experimenters could observe participants’ brain activation while they made these decisions and were able to see what parts of the brain correlated with their desire to punish. The basic picture that emerged from the brain imaging was activation in the striatum, which is somewhat surprising as this is a key part of the way we experience reward. In other words, according to the brain activation it looks like punishing others or, more specifically, the decision to punish others is related to a feeling of pleasure in the brain. What’s more, it turns out that those who had a high level of striatum activation, punished others to a higher degree. All of this suggests that punishment, even when it costs us something, has biological underpinnings. And this behavior is, in fact, either pleasurable or somewhat similar to pleasure. While we somehow understand revenge on an intuitive level between individuals, I do suspect that companies, assuming that people are rational, completely miss and underestimate the motivation people have for revenge. Perhaps lawmakers ought to take this motivation into account as they draft a new bailout plan.

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Why Are People Against the Bailout?

Leadership Style and Employee Well-Being

September 28, 2008 in Blogs by Psychology Today

I suppose leadership at one time meant muscles, but today it means getting along with people .–Gandhi An important literature review was recently published in the Journal of Occupational and Environmental Medicine. Jaana Kuoppala, Anne Lamminpää, Juha Liira, and Harri Vaino looked at studies linking workplace leadership to the well-being of those led. They located hundreds of potentially relevant studies, of which 27 were presented in sufficient detail to include in their meta-analysis. A meta-analysis, by the way, is a relatively new arrival on the social science scene, and provides a quantitative way of summarizing the gist of different studies of the same topic. Meta-analysis is an attempt to solve the problem often encountered in reviewing a research literature that finds some studies supporting one conclusion, other studies supporting the opposite conclusion, and still others being inconclusive. Meta-analyses treat given studies as individual data points and then calculate an overall summary in terms of the robustness of effects, giving more emphasis to studies with larger samples, more rigorous designs, and so on. Meta-analysis requires assumptions that some would deem heroic, not the least of which is whether and how to regard the measures used in different studies as equivalent. Regardless, meta-analyses have become an important analytic tool in getting a handle on what research actually shows. Back to the literature review by Kuoppala and colleagues. They included studies from different nations, with both males and females, that measured leadership style on the one hand and employee well-being on the other. The dimensions of leadership style on which they focused were consideration and support. A considerate leader is one who treats employees kindly and fairly. A supportive leader is one who treats employees with concern and provides encouragement. It may seem surprising, or at least disappointing, to learn that not all workplace leaders are considerate and supportive, but there was sufficient variation across these dimensions in the studies reviewed to allow their impact to be calculated.. Across the studies reviewed, employee well-being was assessed in various ways, depending on the study: job satisfaction, job well-being (defined as burn-out, exhaustion, anxiety, depression, or stress related to work), amount of sick leave, and early retirement due to disability. In all cases, positive relationships were found. The robustness of effects–using meta-analysis jargon–ranged from small to moderate. But even small effects, multiplied over thousands or millions of millions of workers, imply that the impact of "good" leadership on employee well-being is potentially staggering. Among the studies reviewed, there was no relationship between leadership style and work performance. I hasten to add that plenty of other studies do find such a link, but let us just for a minute consider that leadership style might be more related to employee well-being than to employee performance. There is considerable irony in this possibility given that the thriving pop leadership literature is invariably framed in terms of improving productivity. The literature review by Kuoppala and colleagues suggests that leadership style does affect the bottom line but does so indirectly, through its effect on the well-being of employees. One can of course quibble with this meta-analysis. A meta-analysis is only as useful as the literature it summarizes, and many of the studies included were not ideal. For example, most studies were cross-sectional-all of the data were gathered at the same time, leaving unaddressed chicken-and-egg-issues. But can we afford not to take these findings and their implications seriously? A theme running through my blog entries is that "other people matter," and the take-home message of this article is that when leaders treat their employees as if they matter, everyone wins. Reference Kuoppala, J., Lamminpää, A., Liira, J., & Vaino, H. (2008). Leadership, job well-being, and health effects-A systematic review and a meta-analysis. Journal of Occupational and Environmental Medicine, 50, 904-915.

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Leadership Style and Employee Well-Being

Obama vs. McCain—Do Children and Divorce Count?

September 27, 2008 in Blogs by Psychology Today

Among recent elected presidents, all but Ronald Reagan and George Bush, Sr. had an only child or two children and only one president has been divorced. When tracking how many children the last 10 elected presidents have had, the number is quite small. Will the trend continue? Like the general population, for almost 75 years our presidents have moved in the direction of smaller families . There is a pattern. The Count George W. Bush -2 children Bill Clinton -1 child George H. W. Bush -5 children (and a son who died as a child) Ronald Reagan -2 + 3 children Jimmy Carter -1 child Gerald Ford -4 children (Ford was not an elected president) Richard Nixon -2 children Lyndon B. Johnson -2 children John F. Kennedy -2 children Dwight D. Eisenhower – 1 child (his other son died at age 3) Harry S. Truman -1 child —————————————– Franklin D. Roosevelt -5 children (and a son who died before his first birthday) Of the last 10 elected presidents, only two had more than two children. Gerald Ford became president after Richard Nixon resigned and served out the remainder of what was Nixon’s second term. He was not elected or re-elected. Ronald Reagan had two children with former first lady, Nancy Reagan and three with his first wife. With the exception of Geroge Bush, Sr. and Reagan, we have to go back to Franklin D. Roosevelt, our 32nd President, elected in 1933, to find an elected president with many children. Roosevelt fathered six children; five were alive during his presidency. Obama -2; McCain -4+3 Obama has two children. McCain has more children than any president among the last dozen. He has seven (four as the biological father and three adopted) including one with his first wife Carol and her two sons whom he adopted, the three children he fathered with Cindy McCain and a daughter they adopted. If the remarried candidate becomes president, he will be the second ever divorced president-Ronald Reagan is the only divorced president thus far. And, if the candidate with fewer children becomes our president, can the number of children a presidential hopeful has become a factor worth noting in future elections? The significance of this exercise is to be determined.

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Obama vs. McCain—Do Children and Divorce Count?