Patricia Moreno Discusses intenSati: Fitness For The Body And Mind

February 27, 2009 in Blogs, Psychology Today by Psychology Today

Founded by accomplished fitness instructor, Patricia Moreno , intenSati is a vigorous cardio-sculpting workout that combines aerobics, martial arts, yoga, dance and intentions. More than just physical exercise, intenSati fuses movement with positive mantras and powerful affirmations to condition the mind and spirit as well as the body. <!–break–> I recently took intenSati for the first time, and found it to be a challenging and dynamic workout centered on cardio, strengthening, toning and balance. As we moved through the routine, we repeated encouraging phrases reminding us that we own the power to create our realities, and are each strong and capable of greatness. At first I felt a little funny shouting affirmations while working out, but as the class continued it began to feel more natural, and even empowering. Eager to learn more about this unique physical, mental and spiritual fitness regime, I reached out to Moreno with some questions about the practice. What sets intenSati apart form other workouts? Will it really better my life? intenSati has revolutionized how people are training. It brings the philosophy of positive psychology into the gym, or your home if you have the DVD (available at http://satilife.com/ ). Many people are inspired when they read self-improvement books, but don’t have a practice in place to truly incorporate the motivational wisdom into their lifestyle. Information without action is useless. intenSati puts it all into motion so you can actually practice becoming a more positive, inspired, enthusiastic, courageous and happy person, while experiencing the best workout you’ve probably ever had! What inspired you to create this form of mental, spiritual and physical exercise? I wanted to create a workout that showed people that diet and exercise aren’t the only factors that affect health and weight. After studying the power of positive thought and affirmations, it became clear to me that we really are what we think. I was inspired to share this notion with people all over the world, and that’s how I developed intenSati. It connects uplifting mantras with movement, and really helps people train their minds and bodies. What results, physical and mental, can one expect from intenSati? Immediately after taking an intenSati class, students will feel inspired, energized, motivated and acutely aware of how upbeat, positive expressions impact the quality of their lives. Students have reported finding better jobs, falling in love, feeling a boost in self-confidence, greater weight loss, and an overall stronger dedication to improving their bodies and lives. How often should one practice intenSati in order to see and feel these results? Like any exercise, the more often you do it, the faster you will see results in your body. But even just practicing intenSati once a week can be enough to see mental and emotional improvements. It’s about remembering to think better thoughts, take positive action and do your best now. The more often your practice, the more it becomes ingrained and a part of who you are. Where are classes offered? In NYC and LA classes are offered at Equinox . And check the SatiLife website for a listing of all the classes we offer worldwide.

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Patricia Moreno Discusses intenSati: Fitness For The Body And Mind

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‘Social Networking Increases Cancer Risk’ – I Salute the Debunkers!

February 26, 2009 in Blogs, PsyBlog by PsyBlog

Debunkers, I salute you! When I came across this Daily Mail headline last week… How using Facebook could raise your risk of cancer …I simply let out a low moan without bothering to read any further. I assumed it was the usual sensationalist rubbish that frequently passes for the media reporting of science. Nowadays, for good or ill, I take it for granted that almost any science story appearing in the newspapers or on TV will be at best misleading and at worst just plain wrong. So, what else is new? Click, flip, turn the page, forget about it… Context uncovered But soon I was brought back to this story again. It was later in the week, thanks to the stalwart work of Vaughan at Mind Hacks , that I happened to discover that it wasn’t just the journalist who’d been quoting research without contextualising, it was the author of the original paper as well. It seems that Dr Aric Sigman’s paper ( PDF ), published in the journal Biologist, really does suggest that social networking online is associated with a higher risk of cancer. Crudely put Sigman cites research showing that using the internet can lead to loneliness, and loneliness has also been associated with increased cancer risk. Voila, there’s your media-friendly scare story. What the newspaper coverage doesn’t tell you is what Mind Hacks clearly does: that this research is, as Vaughan puts it, ‘appalling’. Sigman, it seems, has strung together a couple of correlations then drawn an extremely speculative conclusion from them. The correlation between internet use and loneliness isn’t even accurate – there’s plenty of correlational evidence that shows the exact opposite: that internet use actually decreases loneliness. Heroes and villains The heroes and villains in this little story are clear. Villain status firstly has to be accorded to Sigman for spouting this tosh in the first place. The Daily Mail and BBC News – and probably loads of other outlets – do their familiar job of passing on whatever seems likely to catch the attention of the visceral masses, without providing any perspective for understanding this information. Again, villain status. Mind Hacks are our heroes once again, along with John Grohol over at Psych Central who also points to the inadequacies of Sigman’s article and its subsequent reporting. Praise should also go to the NHS blog Behind The Headlines – a guide to science that makes the news – who weigh-in with a thoughtful response . Winner of my newly inaugurated ‘ Gurning Scientist Award’, though, has to go to Dr Ben Goldacre of Bad Science who appeared on Newsnight opposite Sigman to help expose the ‘research’ for what it is: scary speculation. The praise for Goldacre has been particularly fulsome in regard to the facial expressions he pulls while Sigman is talking. Here’s the video : Salute the heroes I tell you all this partly out of guilt. When I first started PsyBlog I wanted to help correct the awful coverage of psychology I read in the mainstream media, but it turned out that PsyBlog didn’t evolve in that direction. Of course I still come across barmy reporting of psychological science on a regular basis; this usually makes me wring my hands, feel a bit guilty, then write about some classic psych studies instead. Thankfully, though, I’m feeling a lot less guilty in recent years. In the response to Sigman’s article I saw the number of people prepared to fight back against misinformation in both the research and reporting of psychological science. And this is not the first time or the first scientific field – not by a long way. I only pick a few examples mostly from psychology blogs because that’s closest to home – there are many others doing fantastic work (like Professor David Colquhoun’s Improbable Science ) Ironically an aspect of what Sigman thinks is giving us cancer, is what I believe is giving us real debate, and ultimately a better stab at the truth. Thank goodness for the people who are prepared to take the time to do the debunking. I salute you – long may you continue to open our eyes! » See also: Eight Ways The Media Distorts Psychology [Image credit: michal_hadassah ]

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‘Social Networking Increases Cancer Risk’ – I Salute the Debunkers!

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Experimental philosophy of others’ intentions

February 21, 2009 in Blogs, Mind Hacks by Vaughan

Today’s ABC Radio National All in the Mind has a fascinating discussion on how we attribute intentions to other people which covers some surprising and counter-intuitive examples of how our understanding of other people’s desires are biased by the situation. There’s a great example depicted in this YouTube video which I highly recommend, but essentially the example is this: A vice president of a large company goes to the CEO and says “We have a new business plan. It will make huge amounts of money for the company, but it will also harm the environment”. The CEO says “I know the plan will harm the environment, but I don’t care about that, I’m just interested in making as much money as we possibly can. So let’s put the plan into action”. The company starts the plan, and the environment is harmed. The question is, did the CEO harm the environment intentionally? As it turns out, most people say yes to this question. Now have a think about this similar scenario. A vice president of a large company goes to the CEO and says “We have a new business plan. It will make huge amounts of money for the company, but it will also help the environment”. The CEO says “I know the plan will help the environment, but I don’t care about that, I’m just interested in making as much money as we possibly can. So let’s put the plan into action”. The company starts the plan, and the environment is helped. The question is the same – did the CEO intentionally help the environment in this case. Curiously, most people say no. Despite the CEO making the same decision in both cases. The programme is full of many more fascinating examples of how our judgement of intention is affected by the outcome rather than the decision the person makes. However, I wonder whether our judgements are clouded by the notion of responsibility rather than purely intention, where we place much greater social weight on responsibility for damaging actions, than beneficial ones. This area is largely being explored by the new area of ‘ experimental philosophy ‘ that aims to empirically test our assumptions about traditionally philosophical issues. Link to AITM on ‘The philosophy of good intentions’.

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A Sunset Mode of Mind

February 15, 2009 in Blogs, Psychology Today by Psychology Today

Human beings carry with them a cognitive toolset that allows them to plan, compare, and contrast. It is both useful and horrifying. We need to use it – but we also need to learn to rein it in. Unless we learn to rein it in, peace of mind, wholeness, and happiness are elusive. On this day following Valentine’s Day we should add that unless we learn to rein it in, we cannot love, except by accident (as we say, by "falling" in love). Let me ask a weird question. If George is smaller than Fred, but Sam is bigger than Fred, who is biggest? George or Sam? Any school child can arrive at the right answer. Two relations were combined to get there – between George and Fred, and Fred and Sam. Each is literally untrue, of course. The word "George" is not smaller than the word "Fred," for example. But we let the words "stand for" things and then we work out the little network of relations in the abstract world of our own minds. Relating symbols is part of how we imagine futures that have never been. We might imagine "it would be better to plant the seeds in this way … so we will have more food in the winter" even though we’ve never actually planted them that way. That is useful. But with the same skills we can imagine "despite all my successes I am a failure." If George can be smaller than Sam for no particular reason, then the same applies to acheivment and failure. No matter how successful, how handsome or beautiful, or how much loved, it is possible for us to be a total and absolute failure inside our own minds if we buy into the thinking that takes us there. That is horrifying. These cognitive tools we use to solve problems can create an imaginary universe in which we are the problem. Our histories contain pain, rejection, and betrayal. All of us. That can so easily now become a "problem" and yet our histories will never leave us. The "problem" is not solvable inside the mode of mind that created it. We can compare ourselves to an ideal and discover that we are wanting. That too is now a problem. Yet we will never be ideal. And right after Valentine’s Day it is worth noting how these same skills can be applied to the people we love, who (surprise, surprise) are not reacting precisely as we would want. They are also now a problem. These sweet, loving, amazing creatures who walk through life with us will never be the perfection our problem solving mode of mind can demand. In our work in Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT) we help people learn to be more flexible – to use a problem-solving mode of mind when we need it but without allowing it mindlessly to drain us of the vitality we contain. The acceptance, defusion, and mindfulness methods needed to be flexible in that way are powerful – we know that as a scientific fact. You can learn them now from many ACT books including my own, Get Out of Your Mind and Into Your Life . But it is helpful to get an even more immediate sense of what is possible. Imagine a sunset that you look on with profound appreciation. It is unique. There is not another such sunset on the planet. Wow. When looking at a sunset we can experience simple appreciation. All of us could go back into a problem-solving mode of mind of course, as if it was important that there should be a little more pink here or a little more blue there. But we do not, or at least not normally. It would violate the beauty of the moment and we sense that. Instead we appreciate. A sunset mode of mind is transformational. It is every bit as powerful as a problem solving mode of mind. And just as a problem-solving mode of mind is available every conscious moment, so too is a sunset mode of mind. What would your marriage look like if you looked at your spouse as you would a sunset? What would your friends look like? What would your own history look like? What would that scared or sad little kid inside look like? Several days ago I was at a party celebrating a successful doctoral defense. There was speech after speech about the much-loved new doctor. Finally his mother stood up and explained that she had never in her whole life spoke in front of a group. Never. Not once. It was far too frightening. But in honor of her son she proceeded to give one of the most loving and moving speeches anyone had ever heard. When she finished every one of the 200 eyes in the room was wet. The love in the moment was tangible. It was like whipped cream you could gobble down in gulps without feeling full. It was wonderful. I would bet a thousand dollars not a single person sat back and focused on a thought like "what is wrong with her that she has been so afraid?" Such judgmental thoughts, if they occurred, were allowed to drift by because they were so irrelevant in the face of the beautiful sunset of a mother’s profound love for her child. Fear did not matter.  Such is the power of a sunset mode of mind. On this day after Valentine’s Day is worth taking just a moment to appreciate those we love. I do not mean to evaluate them as being wonderful. I mean simply to appreciate their wholeness and humanity, beyond any judgment. Full of pinks and blues, each of our loved ones is a sunset, if we but see them for who they really are. Take a moment and look with wonder. You problem solving mode of mind may object but your sunset mode of mind can see what else is true. Wow. Happy Valentine’s Day. – S Steven C. Hayes University of Nevada   (and thanks to my colleague Kelly Wilson for the sunset metaphor) © 2009 Psychology Today. This RSS Feed is for personal non-commercial use only. If you are not reading this material in your news aggregator, the site you are looking at is guilty of copyright infringement. Please contact blogs@psychologytoday.com so we can take legal action immediately.

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Women’s Makeup Draws 33% More Men

February 8, 2009 in Blogs, PsyBlog by PsyBlog

Painting of the face and body has a history dating back at least 10,000 years. According to Pliny the Elder even 2,000 years ago the Romans were using natural products in ways we would instantly recognise: they had rouge, deodorants, hair dye, wrinkle removers, breath fresheners and much more. Over the years those using cosmetics have attracted admiring glances from others for all sorts of reasons – including ritualistic and honorific – but often, especially in modern times, the context has been sexual. But does the application of these products make any difference to the way other people behave? While it might affect perceptions both positively and negatively, does it actually encourage others to make the first move? A direct approach Now some answers come in a new study by social psychologist Nicolas Geugen ( Geugen, 2008 ). In his experiment, reported in the North American Journal of Psychology , Geugen had two young women sit in a bar in France, in the first condition with makeup on, and in the second condition with their faces simply cleaned and moisturised. Then they waited for men to chat them up. When a man tried to start a conversation (nonverbal behaviours didn’t count) one of the women signalled to experimental confederates that contact had been made by crossing her arms. Then she politely turned the man down, saying they were waiting for friends to arrive. This procedure was repeated over 60 observational periods of one hour in two different bars. Here’s what happened: No makeup condition : The first man ‘made contact’ with the two women after an average of 23 minutes, and thereafter they were hit on 1.5 times per hour. With makeup condition : The first man tried it on after only 17 minutes and the average number of chancers per hour was 2. These results certainly suggest the makeup was effective in changing men’s behaviour, with one third more men approaching the two women when they were made-up. But while this study is good fun, there are a couple of problems the authors acknowledge. First wearing makeup could have given the two women more confidence, subtly changing their behaviour and encouraging men to approach. This may well have accounted for the men’s behaviour instead of the makeup. Second it may be difficult to generalise as the study was carried out in France – men in very different cultures might respond in quite another way. How does makeup work? These aside, though, the other interesting question it raises is exactly how makeup works. While makeup seems to work by increasing perceived attractivity, it can also signal a willingness to interact or even availability. Further, cosmetics can send signals about status: one study published in the International Journal of Cosmetics Science has found that people judge women wearing cosmetics as higher earners with more prestigious jobs ( Nash et al., 2006 ). Researchers have even looked at which components of makeup are most attractive to men. A recent study has found that eye makeup has the most powerful effect on female perceived attractivity, followed by foundation; lipstick, surprisingly, was found to have little independent effect ( Mulhern et al., 2003 ). Nowadays, though, discussions about makeup seem tame, even quaint, considering the more radical methods people use for changing their appearance, like cosmetic surgery. But one aspect is still cutting-edge: men wearing makeup. So, I wonder how long it will be until Nicolas Geugen is returning to these bars on the west coast of France, this time with two young men wearing makeup, ready to see who approaches? [Image credit: Uh ... Bob ]

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Women’s Makeup Draws 33% More Men

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Women’s Makeup Draws 33% More Men

February 8, 2009 in Blogs, PsyBlog by PsyBlog

Painting of the face and body has a history dating back at least 10,000 years. According to Pliny the Elder even 2,000 years ago the Romans were using natural products in ways we would instantly recognise: they had rouge, deodorants, hair dye, wrinkle removers, breath fresheners and much more. Over the years those using cosmetics have attracted admiring glances from others for all sorts of reasons – including ritualistic and honorific – but often, especially in modern times, the context has been sexual. But does the application of these products make any difference to the way other people behave? While it might affect perceptions both positively and negatively, does it actually encourage others to make the first move? A direct approach Now some answers come in a new study by social psychologist Nicolas Geugen ( Geugen, 2008 ). In his experiment, reported in the North American Journal of Psychology , Geugen had two young women sit in a bar in France, in the first condition with makeup on, and in the second condition with their faces simply cleaned and moisturised. Then they waited for men to chat them up. When a man tried to start a conversation (nonverbal behaviours didn’t count) one of the women signalled to experimental confederates that contact had been made by crossing her arms. Then she politely turned the man down, saying they were waiting for friends to arrive. This procedure was repeated over 60 observational periods of one hour in two different bars. Here’s what happened: No makeup condition : The first man ‘made contact’ with the two women after an average of 23 minutes, and thereafter they were hit on 1.5 times per hour. With makeup condition : The first man tried it on after only 17 minutes and the average number of chancers per hour was 2. These results certainly suggest the makeup was effective in changing men’s behaviour, with one third more men approaching the two women when they were made-up. But while this study is good fun, there are a couple of problems the authors acknowledge. First wearing makeup could have given the two women more confidence, subtly changing their behaviour and encouraging men to approach. This may well have accounted for the men’s behaviour instead of the makeup. Second it may be difficult to generalise as the study was carried out in France – men in very different cultures might respond in quite another way. How does makeup work? These aside, though, the other interesting question it raises is exactly how makeup works. While makeup seems to work by increasing perceived attractivity, it can also signal a willingness to interact or even availability. Further, cosmetics can send signals about status: one study published in the International Journal of Cosmetics Science has found that people judge women wearing cosmetics as higher earners with more prestigious jobs ( Nash et al., 2006 ). Researchers have even looked at which components of makeup are most attractive to men. A recent study has found that eye makeup has the most powerful effect on female perceived attractivity, followed by foundation; lipstick, surprisingly, was found to have little independent effect ( Mulhern et al., 2003 ). Nowadays, though, discussions about makeup seem tame, even quaint, considering the more radical methods people use for changing their appearance, like cosmetic surgery. But one aspect is still cutting-edge: men wearing makeup. So, I wonder how long it will be until Nicolas Geugen is returning to these bars on the west coast of France, this time with two young men wearing makeup, ready to see who approaches? [Image credit: Uh ... Bob ]

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Women’s Makeup Draws 33% More Men

Are There More Shopaholics Who Want to Confess?

February 7, 2009 in Blogs, Psychology Today by Psychology Today

To Buy or Not To Buy – it’s a question we ask and answer almost every day, and sometimes multiple times a day. For many people, it doesn’t cause a lot of inner turmoil, but for compulsive buyers, it’s a high stakes question, and an affirmative answer can be devastating. Long trivialized as the "smiled-upon" addiction, thankfully, compulsive buying is coming farther and farther out of the closet, and the release next Friday of Confessions of a Shopaholic is bringing the problem into the limelight. We have reason to believe it’s becoming more prevalent. A study reported in the October 2006 issue of the American Journal of Psychiatry suggested that about 5.8% of the U.S. population- more than fifteen million Americans -are compulsive buyers. A more recent study, published in the December, 2008 issue of the Journal of Consumer Research suggests that the number may be closer to 8.9%, more than 25 million Americans. And now with the economic crisis, compulsive shoppers are feeling squeezed. Some are unable to resist prices which have been slashed to the bone in the hope of luring reluctant consumers. Others, fearing for their long term job stability, are using the recession as the boost they needed to become more mindful about their spending. And between these two poles, there are a multitude of other responses that overshoppers are having to the current economic downturn, ranging from denial to absolute panic. When we think "addiction," what first comes to mind is most likely alcohol or drugs or eating disorders. Even though we know that shopping, when done to excess, can spin dangerously out of control, shopping is still seen by many as superficial, light fare. Strongly reinforced by society, shopping has become the classic mixed-message behavior. On the one hand, it’s promoted endlessly (and to the ends of the earth) by those who profit from it. On the other hand, it’s regularly the stuff of jokes. Shoppers are portrayed as self-involved, materialistic, and empty. As a result, compulsive shopping may be an even greater source of guilt and shame than alcoholism or drug abuse, which are seen as bona fide disorders, requiring treatment. So why the mixed-messages? Given the fact that consumption fuels our economy, in order to promote the ceaseless stoking of economic engines, every one of us is targeted as a consumer. We are pushed, prodded, programmed to purchase. In 2006, 9.2 billion credit card offers went out to America’s three hundred million people- more than thirty offers to every man, woman, and child! Shopping itself has become a leisure and lifestyle activity; malls are the new town centers. We’re immersed, cradle to grave, in "buy messages" that, with greater and greater psychological sophistication, misleadingly associate products we don’t need with feelings we deeply desire . Just check out the bumper stickers. "When the Going Gets Tough, the Tough Go Shopping," trumpets an SUV in front of me. For those who enjoyed high school Latin, there’s "Veni, Vidi, Visa!" A largely female version is "New Shoes Chase the Blues," while men weigh in with "He Who Has the Most Toys When He Dies, Wins." What I’ve learned from a decade and a half of knowing, studying, working with, and writing about overshoppers-and from having been one myself-is that to change your behavior, you’ve got to change the way you feel about yourself and the way you go about meeting your authentic needs. It’s about understanding who you are, what you want, and what you really need. In general, having more things means enjoying life less. Acquiring and maintaining objects can so fill up our lives and environment that there’s little time or space to use what’s been acquired. What we consume ends up consuming us. In this blog, I’ll share what I know about why we overshop, how we can prevent it, and what tools, techniques and strategies are useful for eliminating it. I’ll also keep you updated on current research findings, relevant books, and other timely information for overshoppers and the people who love them. © 2009 Psychology Today. This RSS Feed is for personal non-commercial use only. If you are not reading this material in your news aggregator, the site you are looking at is guilty of copyright infringement. Please contact blogs@psychologytoday.com so we can take legal action immediately.

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Are There More Shopaholics Who Want to Confess?

Facebook Friends [The Frontal Cortex]

February 1, 2009 in Blogs, Brain & Behaviour by BrainAndBehaviour

In the latest Seed , there’s an interesting dialogue between political scientist James Fowler and physicist Albert-Laszlo Barabasi. I was particularly intrigued by their ruminations on the network dynamics of Facebook: JF: When we move from five friends in real life to 500 on Facebook, it’s not the case that we are having a close, deep relationship with each of those 500 friends. In fact, one of the intriguing things I’ve noticed about these online networks is that they have a property that’s different from realworld social networks. As you know, in the real world, popular people tend to be friends with popular people. But in these technological networks, as in metabolic networks, it’s just the opposite. The nodes with many, many links will tend to be linked to nodes with few links. ALB: Right. JF: It makes me wonder if the dynamics of online social networks are going to be reflective of realworld social networks. Because to a large extent, in your work and some of the work that I’ve done, we’re relying on the idea that what we see online is telling us something about the real world. But there’s a pretty fundamental difference. I’m not on Facebook, so take what follows with a hefty pinch of salt, but there’s some suggestive evidence that the brain might contemplate other people very differently when that person is a virtual Facebook “page” and not a flesh and blood individual, with a tangible physical presence. Humans, after all, are social primates, blessed and burdened with a set of paleolithic social instincts. We aren’t used to thinking about people as computerized abstractions. Consider this elegant experiment, led by neuroscientist Joshua Greene of Harvard. Greene asked his subjects a series of questions involving a runaway trolley, an oversized man and five maintenance workers. (It might sound like a strange setup, but it’s actually based on a well-known philosophical thought puzzle.) The first scenario goes like this: You are the driver of a runaway trolley. The brakes have failed. The trolley is approaching a fork in the track at top speed. If you do nothing, the train will stay left, where it will run over five maintenance workers who are fixing the track. All five workers will die. However, if you steer the train right⎯this involves flicking a switch and turning the wheel⎯you will swerve onto a track where there is one maintenance worker. What do you do? Are you willing to intervene and change the path of the trolley? In this hypothetical case, about ninety five percent of people agree that it is morally permissible to turn the trolley. The decision is just simple arithmetic: it’s better to kill fewer people. Some moral philosophers even argue that it is immoral to not turn the trolley, since such passivity leads to the death of four extra people. But what about this scenario: You are standing on a footbridge over the trolley track. You see a trolley racing out of control, speeding towards five workmen who are fixing the track. All five men will die unless the trolley can be stopped. Standing next to you on the footbridge is a very large man. He is leaning over the railing, watching the trolley hurtle towards the men. If you sneak up on the man and give him a little push, he will fall over the railing and into the path of the trolley. Because he is so big, he will stop the trolley from killing the maintenance workers Do you push the man off the footbridge? Or do you allow five men to die? The brute facts, of course, remain the same: one man must die in order for five men to live. And yet, almost nobody is willing to actively throw another person onto the train tracks. Greene argues that pushing the man feels wrong because the killing is direct: We are using our body to hurt his body. He calls it a personal moral situation, since it directly involves another person. In contrast, when we just have to turn the trolley onto a different track, we aren’t directly hurting somebody else. We are just shifting the trolley wheel: the ensuing death seems indirect. In this case, we are making an impersonal moral decision. What makes this thought experiment so interesting is that the fuzzy moral distinction⎯the difference between personal and impersonal decisions⎯is built into our brain. When the subjects were asked whether or not they should turn the trolley, a network of brain regions assessed the various alternatives, sent their verdict onwards to the prefrontal cortex, and the person chose the clearly superior option. Their brain quickly realized that it was better to kill one man than five men. However, when people were asked whether they would be willing to push a man onto the tracks, a separate network of brain areas was activated. These folds of gray matter⎯the superior temporal sulcus, posterior cingulate and medial frontal gyrus⎯are believed to be responsible for interpreting the thoughts and feelings of other people. As a result, these subjects automatically imagined how the poor man would feel as he plunged to his death on the train tracks below. They vividly simulated his mind, and concluded that pushing him was a capital crime, even if it saved the lives of five other men. Pushing a man off a bridge just felt wrong. What does this have to do with Facebook? I think it demonstrates how thinking about a person in physical terms – as someone we need to physically push – changes how the brain represents that person. When the person is a virtual abstraction, an impersonal representation on a computer screen, the brain treats them accordingly, and seems to invest them with less agency, emotion, etc. Perhaps – and this is a big perhaps, since nobody has done the scanning experiment – we make social decisions concerning many of our Facebook acquaintances using these “impersonal” brain areas. In other words, we might push a Facebook friend off a footbridge, but we’d never push a real friend. I don’t mean to criticize Facebook. I simply agree with Fowler: Facebook is a new experiment in human social interaction, and we shouldn’t be surprised that the network dynamics of Facebook don’t resemble the network dynamics of the real world, whatever that is. Read the comments on this post…

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Facebook Friends [The Frontal Cortex]

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‘Internet addiction’ lacks validity finds another study

January 29, 2009 in Blogs, Mind Hacks by Vaughan

Dr Shock covers a new study examining the validity of one of the most popular methods for diagnosing ‘internet addiction’, Young’s Diagnostic Questionnaire, finding it lacks even the most basic ability to distinguish between frequent and infrequent net users. Validity is one of the essential components of a psychological measure. It refers to whether it is actually measuring what it says it’s measuring. One of the most common ways of testing validity is to see whether the scale predicts other aspects of behaviour or psychological functioning that we would expect would go along with the target behaviour. In this case, we would expect ‘internet addicts’, as identified by a cut-off score on the Young’s Diagnostic Questionnaire, to spend more time on line than ‘non-addicts’, have greater levels of mental distress or behavioural impairment and would be more focused on specific internet activities. Two psychologists, Nicki Dowling and Kelly Quirk, set out to test this on over 400 students – a group who have been previously highlighted as likely to be vulnerable to excessive internet use. They found that those students who were clearly identified by the questionnaire as ‘internet addicts’ were no different in time spent online or psychological dysfunction from those students who were just below the cut-off. What they did find, however, is those students who ticked zero to two items, the lowest ‘risk’ category, on the 8-item questionnaire typically used the internet for fewer hours and were likely to be depressed or anxious than the people who scored above the ‘addiction’ cut-off. However, as three of the diagnostic items specifically refer to spending longer time online, and three specifically refer to low mood, anxiety or preoccupation, this is hardly surprising. It’s like finding out people who say they are sad are more likely to be depressed. What the study did clearly show, however, is that the criteria for distinguishing ‘addicts’ from ‘non-addicts’, which has been the basis of the majority of ‘internet addiction’ research, doesn’t even reliably distinguish between amount of use and psychological distress. This is important, because the criteria have been offered by proponents as the basis of a possible ‘internet addiction’ diagnosis in the forthcoming updated psychiatric diagnostic manual, the DSM-IV. This comes only a few weeks after a recent study reported the damning conclusion that previous studies used “inconsistent criteria”, where subject to “serious sampling bias” and usually reported associations rather than doing any sort of work on causal influences. Link to Dr Shock internet addiction post ‘Garbage In, Garbage Out’. Link to study. Link to DOI entry for same.

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‘Internet addiction’ lacks validity finds another study

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The Straight Dope on Learning Styles

January 28, 2009 in Blogs, Mind Hacks by Vaughan

The glorious truth is that people think and learn differently. Some people like words, but not pictures, some like movements rather than sounds. Why are people different? Who knows, perhaps because Allah loves wondrous variety . A funny thing is that we have the tendency to ignore this fact. Perhaps because empathy is difficult, perhaps because learning makes itself invisible . I have a dear friend, Cat, who doesn’t have visual imagery. When she thinks of a dog, for example, she doesn’t see one in her mind’s eye. She doesn’t see anything. When she dreams she rarely has pictures — she just knows what is happening in the dream. People often don’t believe this. They think that everyone must experience their inner world in pictures, the way they do. Sorry. People are just different. Some always see things when they imagine them, some don’t. Some people have a sense of pitch, some don’t. So it goes. So the idea of learning styles makes a lot of intuitive sense. Surely if we know that people think and learn differently, we should be able to design our teaching to take advantage of different learning styles. Right? This is where we hit problems. Are learners either primarily visual, auditory, kinesthetic (as claimed in NLP )? Or are they primarily analytic, creative or pragmatic (as proposed by Robert Sternberg ). Is the world made of Convergers, Divergers, Assimilators and Accomodators ? Maybe instead we should use the Myers-Briggs categories of Sensers, Intuitors, Thinkers and Feelers? Faced with these possibilities an academic psychologist has a standard set of questions they would like answered: can you really divide people up into a particular set of categories? Are the tests for these categories reliable; if you take the test twice will you come out the same both times? Are the categories you are trying to use related to how people learn? If you use a theory of learning styles, do people learn better? Can you use learning styles to predict who will benefit most from particular styles of instruction? Does using a learning styles system – any system – for teaching have other effects on learners or teachings, such as making them more confident or making them expend more effort? These questions stem from the way academic psychologists systematically approach topics: we like to establish the truth of psychological claims. If someone comes to us with a theory about learning styles we want to know (a) if learning styles really exist, (b) if they really are associated with better learning and also (c) if, when learning styles are taken into account, learning is better because of something about the specific learing style theory rather than just being a side effect of an increase in teacher confidence, effort or somesuch. So, what have academic psychologists found out about learning styles? We know that some of the supposed categories of learning styles are actually dimensions that vary continuously across the population. For example visual imagery: it is not that some people are visual thinkers, it is that most people have some visual imagery and a few have very strong imagery and a few, like my friend Cat, have less than average. We also know that people can change their learning styles over time, for different tasks and in different contexts. We also know that it is very difficult to prove that teaching that uses learning styles is better because of the particular theory of learning styles used, rather than merely because a learning style theory, any learning style theory, is being used and this makes people pay more attention to what they are doing. Learning styles seem intuitively sensible. Having thought about learning styles helps teachers improve their teaching and also helps increase their confidence and motivation. But there is no strong evidence that any one theory of learning styles is the best, or most true, compared to the others. Learning style theories can be useful without being true, and it isn’t clear that knowing the truth about the differences in how people learn will be immediately useful or produce a more useful theory of learning styles. This difference between truth and utility is a typical dilemma of psychology. Sadly, the headlines for this conclusion aren’t snappy. It is easier to say that “Some people are visual thinkers and others are auditory thinkers” than it is to say that “Thinking about presenting information in different sensory modalities will make your teaching more varied and help those you are teaching who have different preferences to yourself”. Using a learning style theory is great, but you lose a lot of flexibility and potential for change if you start to believe that the theory is based on proven facts about the way the world is, rather than just being a useful set of habits and suggestions which might, sometimes, help guide us through the maze of teaching and learning. Cross-posted at schoolofeverything.com Part of a series: #1 Learning Makes Itself Invisible #2 Learning Should Be Fun Image: jelly belly by House of Sims

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The Straight Dope on Learning Styles